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Clinton’s Big Lie: “Srebrenica Massacre”

Sep 1st, 2009 | By | In Bosnia, Earlier, Interview

Muslim coffins
“Srebrenica” searches of the Internet inevitably yield thousands of highly suggestive images like the above, but rows of empty coffins covered in green cloth can hardly compensate for the fact that the key issues — the actual number, identity, the cause, place and time of death of the alleged Srebrenica victims remain a mystery even 14 years later. (Muslims do not bury their loved ones in coffins, they just use them to carry the bodies to the grave site; the coffins are then returned to storage places like this one and reused)

No Evidence of the Alleged “Srebrenica Massacre”

When former Bosnian viceroy, a mouth-frothing Serbophobe Paddy Ashdown (who didn’t blink an eye while shamelessly lying under oath in the Hague, in an attempt to smear the Serbs with another nonexistent crime), ordered forming of the “Srebrenica Commission” under the banner of the Bosnian Serb Government in 2004, he probably never imagined his ploy to falsify “Serb confession” would eventually backfire. Satisfied with the boastful headlines his crafty little maneuver produced in the Western mainstream media, Ashdown went on his merry way into oblivion, leaving his Srebrenica Commission investigators to disclose their actual findings.

Željko Vujadinović, member of the former Srebrenica Commission, recently confirmed there is “absolutely no evidence a massacre of 7,000-8,000 Bosnian Muslims was committed” in Srebrenica.

“The number of 7,000-8,000 missing Bosnian Muslims, presented to the public as the victims of a war crime, is one of the biggest lies and manipulations continually present in this part of the world”, he said.

“The list of 7,000-8,000 Bosnian Muslims contains the names of the individuals who have been reported missing — it is not the list of the victims of a crime, those who have allegedly lost their lives during Srebrenica takeover”, Vujadinović explained in an interview with the news agency Srna, adding that the crucial issue that has not been taken into account when it comes to the evaluation of Srebrenica events, is a distinction between the victims of the crime and the victims of war.

There is a world of difference, he said — victims of the war crime are men who have been captured and executed without trial, while the victims of war are individuals who were killed during the battles, like Bosnian Muslim troops from Srebrenica column, which suffered heavy casualties after being engaged in battle with the Bosnian Serb Army.

Vujadinović pointed to another often overlooked detail, that even the ICTY, NATO tribunal in Hague, declared Bosnian Muslim Srebrenica column, comprised of fully armed combatants belonging to Naser Oric’s notorious 28th division (stationed in Srebrenica throughout the Bosnian civil war), a “legitimate military target”.

“Thus far, there is absolutely no evidence which would prove 7,000 or 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men were killed in Srebrenica”, Vujadinović said.

Why is Forensic Evidence Tied to “Srebrenica Massacre” Allegations Kept Secret?

Speaking about the investigation conducted by the Commission, Vujadinović said their work was based on 35 lists submitted by the various organizations, with the names of Bosnian Muslims reported missing.

The Commission established that out of 8,000 of the total number of the individuals named on the lists they were given, 4,500 have died of natural causes, in battles or in other ways, and prior to July 1995, i.e. prior to Srebrenica takeover and the alleged massacre.

The Commission’s task was not to determine the fate of the remaining 1,500-2,500 Bosnian Muslims listed as missing, and it had no necessary resources to find out whether some of them have moved abroad and lived under assumed names, as several other organizations ascertained.

According to Vujadinović, finding out the whole truth about Srebrenica is not possible outside the historical context and the proper legal qualification of Srebrenica events, as well as without determining the number of Serb victims in Srebrenica town and region.

He stressed that the events which have taken place during Srebrenica takeover are still being used as an “argument” against the very existence of the Serb Republic, against its constitutional order, status and character.

“Politicization of Srebrenica takeover is widespread and ever-present, just like the malicious manipulations with the victims and the things that were taking place in the entire Srebrenica municipality during the civil war”, Vujadinović said.

According to him, it is precisely the Serb Republic which would gain most from establishing the whole truth about Srebrenica events, and this remains one of the key tasks of the appropriate government institutions.

In order to fulfill that objective, Vujadinović said that, in addition to the already available documentation, the Serb Republic investigators need to gain access to the most important documents that are not made available, including the reports and documents submitted by the intelligence agents of several Western powers which, in one way or another, were involved in Srebrenica events and the subsequent mythology spawned around them.

He said that the essential questions regarding the July 1995 Srebrenica are still open, despite the overload of Bosnian Muslim and Western propaganda.

One of the important questions that has not been properly addressed yet is the demographic picture of Srebrenica prior to July 1995 operations and the actual number of Bosnian Muslims populating Srebrenica before the war.

In addition, the inexplicable secrecy in regards to the forensics, as well as the peculiar absence of all the relevant data about the remains of the bodies tagged and reburied as “Srebrenica victims,” represents another major obstacle to conducting a serious, comprehensive investigation.

“Of all the remains exhumed and identified until today, none were subjected to forensic analysis which would determine the place, time, means and cause of death”, Vujadinović reminded.

The information that has surfaced during the Hague’s recent pre-trial briefs gave further reason to question the “Srebrenica massacre” allegations, when it was revealed that the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP), which handles the exhumations and the DNA analysis, is not sharing the evidence even with the NATO’s own court in Hague.

A rather odd secrecy which can hardly help the accusers push the case beyond the realm of speculations, unsubstantiated charges and flagrant fabrication.


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    The Srebrenica ID Card, full 34-page report by Milivoje Ivanisevic in PDF format, published in Serbian in May 2007, by Glas Javnosti, and translated by Milo Yelesiyevich.


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    It is difficult to do justice to the utter arbitrary lawlessness of the ICTY. In the first place, the ICTY is not a court as is generally understood nor can it be compared to apparently similar bodies like the International Court of Justice. The ICTY is an explicitly prosecutorial institution, in which the Office of the Prosecutor is part of the Tribunal and is set up, in its own words, for the ‘sole purpose of prosecuting persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia’.


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    In his latest book titled “Srebrenica — The History of Salon Racism” (Srebrenica — die Geschichte eines salonfahigen Rassismus) published this month in Berlin, Dorin focuses on manipulations with the number of Muslims who lost their lives in Srebrenica.


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